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Against Same Sex Marriages Essay, Research Paper
NATIONAL JOURNAL OF SEXUAL ORIENTATION LAW
VOL. 1, ISSUE 1
Mary Sylla, editor ([email protected])
A (Personal) Essay on Same-Sex Marriage
Barbara J. Cox
Professor
California Western School of Law
_________________________________________________________________
Very little since Stonewall, and the break from accepting
the status quo that those riots symbolize, has challenged the
lesbian and gay community as much as the debate we have had over
the past several years on whether seeking the right to marry
should be the focus of our community’s efforts, political
influence, and financial resources. As is often true in most
such political debates, both “sides” to the debate make important
arguments about the impact that the right to marry will have on
each member of our community, on the community as a whole, and on
our place in society.
Arguing against same-sex marriage in her article, Since When
is Marriage a Path to Liberation?, Paula Ettelbrick believes that
it will not liberate lesbians and gay men but will make us more
invisible, force assimilation, and undermine the lesbian and gay
civil rights movement. She also argues that it will not
transform society into respecting and encouraging relationship
choice and family diversity, which are primary goals of that
civil rights movement. Ruth Colker in Marriage echoes
Ettelbrick’s concerns, arguing that rather than expanding the
couples who can marry, we should change the institution of
marriage to eliminate its marriage-dependent benefits, so that
people will choose it for symbolic, rather than legal or
utilitarian, reasons. She also recognizes the class-based
assumptions inherent in the marriage debate, realizing that for
most poor people, marriage offers few economic advantages.
Nitya Duclos examines four reasons advanced for same-sex
marriage (political reform, public legitimation, socioeconomic
benefits, and safeguarding children of lesbian or gay parents) in
her article, Some Complicating Thoughts on Same-Sex Marriage.
She concludes that the effects of allowing same-sex marriage will
not be felt uniformly throughout lesbian and gay communities and
questions whether it will exacerbate differences of power and
privilege in those communities.
In a companion piece to Ettelbrick’s, Thomas Stoddard, in
Why Gay People Should Seek the Right to Marry, while recognizing
the oppressive nature of marriage in its traditional form,
believes that lesbians and gay men should be able to choose to
marry and the civil rights movement should seek full recognition
of same-sex marriages. His three reasons for pursuing this right
are the practical advantages associated with marriage-related
benefits, the political reason that marriage is the issue most
likely to end discrimination against lesbians and gay men, and
the philosophical explanation that lesbians and gay men should
have the right to choose to marry and that providing that right
will be the principal means toward eliminating marriage’s sexist
trappings.
Nan Hunter, in Marriage, Law and Gender: A Feminist
Inquiry, argues that legalizing lesbian and gay marriage will
destabilize marriage’s gendered definition by disrupting the link
between gender and marriage. She analyzes both marriage and
domestic partnership against the feminist inquiry of how law
reinforces power imbalances within the family and views same-sex
marriage as a means to subvert gender-based power differentials.
Mary Dunlap finds that same-sex marriage is constructive when
lesbians and gay men are encountering gay-bashing resulting from
Bowers. She examines the values underlying the push for same-
sex marriage (such as equality, autonomy, fairness, privacy, and
diversity) and encourages expansion of the marriage debate
outside legal circles. One way to expand this debate is to read
the interviews of lesbian and gay couples, some of whom have
chosen to have public ceremonies celebrating their commitment and
some of whom have chosen to keep their commitment private.
The debate continues to rage, as seen from the recent
articles contained in the Virginia Law Review’s symposium
issue. Without resolving the debate here, it seems clear that
obtaining the right to marry will drastically impact the lesbian
and gay civil rights movement. My response to the debate is best
expressed in the following short (and personal) essay, explaining
the vital political change that can result from the simple (and
personal) act of same-sex marriage.
=19es, I know that weddings can be “heterosexual rituals” of
the most repressive and repugnant kind. =19es, I know that
weddings historically symbolized the loss of the woman’s self
into that of her husband’s, a denial of her existence completely.
=19es, I know that weddings around the world continue to have that
impact on many women and often lead to lives of virtual slavery.
=19es, I know. Then how could a feminist, out, radical lesbian
like myself get married a year ago last April? Have I simply
joined the flock of lesbians and gay men rushing out to
participate in a meaningless ceremony that symbolizes
heterosexual superiority?
I think not.
When my partner and I decided to have a commitment ceremony,
we did so to express the love and caring that we feel for one
another, to celebrate that love with our friends and family, and
to express that love openly and with pride. It angers me when
others, who did not participate or do not know either of us,
condemn us as part of a mindless flock accepting a dehumanizing
ceremony. But more it distresses me that they believe their
essentialist vision of weddings explains all — because they have
been to weddings, both straight and queer, they can speak as
experts on their inherent nature.
Perhaps these experts should consider the radical aspect of
lesbian marriage or the transformation that it makes on the
people around us. As feminists, we used to say that “the
personal is political.” Have we lost that vision of how we can
understand and change the world?
My commitment ceremony was not the mere “aping” of the bride
that I supposedly spent my childhood dreaming of becoming. (In
fact, I was a very satisfied tomboy who never once considered
marriage.) My ceremony was an expression of the incredible love
and respect that I have found with my partner. My ceremony came
from a need to speak of that love and respect openly to those who
participate in my world.
Some of the most politically “out” experiences I have ever
had happened during those months of preparing for and having that
ceremony. My sister and I discussed for weeks whether she would
bring her children to the ceremony. Although I had always openly
brought the women I was involved with home with me, I had never
actually sat down with my niece and nephews to discuss those
relationships. My sister was concerned that her eldest son,
particularly, might scorn me, especially at a time when he and
his friends tended toward “faggot” jokes. After I expressed how
important it was for me to have them attend, she tried to talk
with her son about going to this euphemistically-entitled
“ceremony.” He kept asking why my partner and I were having a
“ceremony” and she kept hedging. Finally he just said, “Mom,
Barb’s gay, right?” She said yes, they all came, and things were
fine. Her youngest son sat next to me at dinner after the
ceremony trying to understand how it worked. “=19ou’re married,
right?” “=19es.” “Who’s the husband?” “There is no husband.” “Are
you going to have children?” “No.” “So there’s no husband and no
children but you’re married, right?” “=19es.” “OK,” and he happily
turned back to his dinner.
My partner invited her large Catholic family to the
ceremony. We all know how the Pope feels about us. Despite
that, her mother and most of her siblings, some from several
states away, were able to attend. Her twin brother later told us
that our ceremony led him to question and resolve the discomfort
that had plagued his relationship with his sister for many years.
As a law professor leaving town early for the ceremony, I
told my two classes (one of 95 and one of 20 students) that I was
getting “married” to my partner, who is a woman. (I actually
used “married” because saying I was getting “committed” just
didn’t quite have the right ring to it.) The students in one of
my classes joined together to buy my partner and myself a silver
engraved frame that says “Barb and Peg, Our Wedding.” My
colleagues were all invited to the ceremony and most of them
attended. One of them spoke to me of the discussion they had
within their family explaining to their children that they were
going to a lesbian wedding.
How can anyone view these small victories in coming out and
acceptance as part of flocking to imitate, or worse join, an
oppressive heterosexual institution? Is it not profoundly
transformative to speak so openly about lesbian love and
commitment? The impact was so wide-ranging, not just on my
partner and myself, but on our families, our friends, and even
the clerks in the jewelry stores when we explained we were
looking for wedding rings for both of us. Or on the 200 people
who received my mother’s annual xeroxed Christmas letter with a
paragraph describing the ceremony. Or the clerk in the store who
engraved the frame for my students. Or the young children who
learned that same-sex marriage exists.
=19es, we must be aware of the oppressive history that
weddings symbolize. We must work to ensure that we do not simply
accept whole-cloth an institution that symbolizes the loss and
harm felt by women. But I find it difficult to understand how
two lesbians, standing together openly and proudly, can be seen
as accepting that institution? What is more anti-patriarchal and
rejecting of an institution that carries the patriarchal power
imbalance into most households than clearly stating that women
can commit to one another with no man in sight? With no claim of
dominion or control, but instead of equality and respect. I
understand the fears of those who condemn us for our weddings,
but I believe they fail to look beyond the symbol and cannot see
the radical claim we are making.
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