An Analysis Of Proposition 198 Essay, Research Paper

The purpose of this paper is to serve as an analysis of proposition 198. It will include an objective summary of the proposition, a summary of the major arguments both for and against the proposal, and a conclusion conveying the results of the election as well as my own opinion on the issue. In order to produce an accurate summary of the proposition, however, I feel that some background discussion of the California primary is necessary.

Basically, California has three types of elections: primary, general, and special. Primary elections are held for both partisan offices and nonpartisan offices (1996 California Voter Guide). According to the California Journal, prior to the Progressive reformation in California, slates of candidates were determined by party bosses and activists at state conventions. The Progressives changed the California primary in such a manner that it gave ordinary citizens and rank-and-file members of political parties a say in which candidates were put up for election in their parties. A feature known as cross-filing , which allowed candidates to file for office in multiple parties, favored incumbents (mostly republicans) because the candidate s party affiliation was not listed on the ballot. An initiative succeeded in abolishing cross-filing in 1959, resulting in a closed California primary, in which only candidates affiliated with a particular party are listed on that party s ballot, and only voters registered to a party can vote for candidates within that party (California Journal 2/99). Proposition 198 appeared on the ballot for the March 26, 1996 primary election. The official title given to the proposition was Elections. Open primary (1996 California Voter Guide).

Proposition 198 would allow:

all persons who are entitled to vote in primary elections, including those not affiliated with a political party, to vote for any candidate regardless of the candidate’s political party affiliation. Thus, voters in primary elections would be allowed to vote for candidates across political party lines. Furthermore, the initiative provides that county election officials prepare only one ballot for all voters. The candidates for an office would be listed randomly on the ballot and not grouped by political party affiliation. The candidate of each political party who receives the most votes for a state elective office becomes the nominee of that party at the next general election.

The only candidates immune from these provisions would be those candidates running for office in political party committees. These elections would still be restricted to voters affiliated with each party. The Legislative Analyst determined that Proposition 198 would have no fiscal impact on California, other than possible minor savings to counties, since they would not need to prepare and print as many ballots (1996 California Voter Guide).

Proponents of the measure argue that California’s closed primary election system results in political extremists being elected on both ends of the spectrum, because it limits voters’ choices to candidates within their own party, and excludes 1.5 million independent voters from voting in primary elections at all. This, they maintain, contributes to legislative gridlock, and stacks the deck against more moderate problem solvers.

They also contend that Proposition 198 would increase voter participation by giving voters a real choice and by forcing candidates to focus on issues, not just partisanship. By opening up the primary and giving independent voters and minority party voters a real say in who the candidates will be, supporters of the proposition claim that it would lead to the election of candidates with a broader base of voter support (1996 California Voter Guide).

Finally, those in favor of the proposition point out that the political parties have grown stronger and healthier in other states that have adopted an open primary system. Supporters of Proposition 198 included former state Senator Rebecca Morgan (R-Saratoga), Senator Lucy Killea (I-San Diego), former GOP sate controller Houston Flournoy and former Fair Political Practices Commision Chairman Dan Stanford (California Journal 2/96).

Those against Proposition 198 argue that the sole purpose of primary elections is for registered voters of each political party to select nominees from their party for the general election, and that an open primary would invite political mischief by allowing self-serving politicians and special interest groups to manipulate the system through the use of specialized targeting. Voters registered to one political party should not be allowed to interfere in the nominations of candidates of another party, they say, just as private clubs and organizations do not allow non-members to participate in their internal affairs.

The measure is unconstitutional, they add, citing a ruling by the United States Supreme Court that political parties have the right to determine who votes in their primaries (1996 California Voter Guide). Finally, opponents of the proposal suggest that rather than increasing voter choice, Proposition 198 would limit it, since outside interference would diminish the importance of joining a political party. Major opponents of Proposition 198 included the officials of both major political parties, as well as former GOP U.S. Senate candidate Bruce Herschensohn and former Democratic Attorney General John Van de Camp (California Journal 2/96).

Proposition 198 passed, with a total of 59.51 percent of the vote in favor of the proposition and 40.49 percent against. I have included a map, courtesy of the Secretary of State s web page, that shows the results broken down by county and percentage (Secretary of State).

I voted for Proposition 198 out of sheer frustration over the fact that none of the political parties adequately reflect my concerns. That is, I agree with some of the policies of each of the parties, yet I disagree with other policies of each party. Before the open primary went into effect, I found myself at odds over which party to affiliate myself with, since there was no way to vote for a candidate as an individual without registering and voting for that candidate s party. I mean, should I register Republican, since I believe in smaller government, less taxes, a strong military and the right of the unborn to live? Or do I register Democrat, because I belive in protecting the environment, supporting organized labor and helping the poor? Finally, thanks to the passage of Proposition 198, I can decline to affiliate myself with any particular party, and still vote for the individual candidate that I feel best represents my interests.

Others, however, do not seem to share my enthusiasm over the success of Proposition 198. According to Ted Radke, a political science instructor at Contra Costa College, open or blanket primaries tend to favor the rich, the media favorites, and those candidates with greater name recognition. Radke suggests that candidates who are given more media attention, and those who have enough money to make themselves well known (such as Al Checchi) will receive a disproportionate amount of the vote due simply to the fact that voters will recognize their names over those of other candidates. (Radke)

Mr. Radke makes a valid point. However, even in retrospect, I believe that I made the right decision. I feel that my right to vote inherently imparts to me the responsibility to be an informed voter. I read each of the candidates statements and listen to them carefully as they debate. I lend no credence to the mud-slinging and negative campaign ads that are so prevalent on television and radio. Therefore, when I mark my ballot, my choice has been made according to my honest judgment of the candidate s character and position on the issues of importance to me. I prefer the open primary system, and would vote yes on Proposition 198 again.

344